receive from the executive committee of the party this contribution, which we gladly publish
The Unification of Italy in 1861 was the subordination of the Italian Risorgimento to the interests of the House of Savoy and of industrial and agricultural block: in the light of developments of the national capital within a unified market, and its colonization of the South by military force. It is therefore natural that the same ruling class that today accentuate its exploitation of the working class and the masses of the South, celebrate their victory 150 years ago, wrapping it in the flag and country hymns. As is natural that its members involvement in the event of the solemn papal Church: that first shot for the thirty patriots of the Risorgimento, then excommunicated the Kingdom of Italy, but finally reconciled with its ruling classes in the name of common financial interests, agricultural, real estate.
For the same reason the Communists, and even consistent democrats have nothing to celebrate March 17. The Risorgimento that we are claiming is what lost: the popular uprising of the 5 days of Milan in 1848 and disarmed by the army of Savoy, that of the Republican Revolution of 1849 in Rome, then drowned in blood by the French troops called by Pope Pius IX but above all what he tried to connect the Risorgimento fight for a perspective of social liberation the exploited and oppressed against the liberal bourgeoisie and the democratic field Mazzini.
Two names stand out among the many activists and leaders of the revival folk who wanted to end the release of 'Italy: Filippo Buonarroti and Carlo Pisacane.
The first partner in France of Gracchus Babeuf organizing the first attempt of the communist revolution in history ("The Trouble with Equal " of 1796), was the main organizer and director until his death in 1837 of the secret societies "Jacobin revolutionary" in Europe. In Italy this is expressed in what was, until the development of democratic petty bourgeois Young Italy of Mazzini, the most important secret society " carbonara" means " Sublime Perfect Masters", the third and highest degree of commitment meant the oath to the realization of social equality through the abolition of private property.
The second, Carlo Pisacane, the hero of the ill-fated attempt to Sapri of 1857, who fought for the construction of a party " revolutionary socialist" in Italy, saying that they prefer to Savoy and Habsburg polemic against the democratic republicanism Mazzini and his slogan "God and people," in the name of the struggle between classes and the social revolution.
historical times were so immature for the victory of those generous attempts. But they prefigured in the folds of the Risorgimento, the Italian revolutionary future of the labor movement: that of Antonio Gramsci and the Communist Party of Italy in 1921.
Therefore, only a government employees' free Italy from the current ruling classes can retrieve the historical thread of communism Risorgimento and its heroic pioneers. Bringing to power the revival defeated. Realizing all the way to its best aspirations of social, democratic, anti-clerical. By redeeming the concrete memory of those who gave their lives even then not for a dictatorship of industrialists and agrarians, but for a social revolution, for a "revolutionary dictatorship to establish a perfect equality (Buonarroti) for a" terrible revolution, changing the social order which will benefit of all this now able to avail of some (Pisacane).
Communist Workers' Party Executive Committee
The March 8 is not a party, but a day of struggle. A day on which the Communists are near the beginning. It was the manifestation Guided by the women of Moscow to demand an end to the war, March 8, 1917, to kick off the "February Revolution" in Russia. For this the "Second Conference of the Communist women in 1921 through eight fixed March the International Day Worker" and the Communist Party of Italy was to be celebrated for the first time in Italy this day in 1922.
Today women are the first victims of new forms of capitalist exploitation: job insecurity, low wages, unemployment, reduced to the minimum of the welfare state.
Added to this is that capital, which is a product of everything it touches, becoming more and more goods in their bodies and their sexuality, sexist advertising, "Valletta" and bunga-bunga, are just the tip of the iceberg.
The commodification of bodies and sexuality in itself degrading and intolerable, it becomes a tragedy when it is accompanied by phenomena of real slavery: the many women, often little more than children, which are thrown on our sidewalks are the first victims. Twice when they become victims, because immigrants are affected by the rigors of a racist and fascist law.
If the woman's body and her sexuality are goods you can buy, then such goods may also be taken by force. This is without doubt one of the main reasons for the violence against women. Violence that has no racial origin, or comes from some sort of "provocation" of women, rapists have one thing in common: they are men. Even worse, if possible, the violence suffered by women is its trivialization, except of course when the culprit is one of the subjects to demonize: Roma, foreign or otherwise.
The liberation of women, its enhancement as a free human being and complete, will be by the overthrow of the capitalist system because it eats the oppression.
against the commodification of bodies and sexuality of women
for a more just society, free from capitalism
violence against women and its exploitation
for a renewed culture of gender relations
THE LEFT INCONSISTENT
Fausto Bertinotti
Fausto Bertinotti was born in Milan in the neighborhood of pre-cooked by Henry, driver of the State Railways, and Rose, a housewife . It is the second, after Ferruccio, who is also a family of railroad mining proletariat. In 1957 he moved with his family in the hometown of his father, Varallo Pombia (NO).
In 1962, at age 22, she graduated with three years of delay because of some failures, as an expert institution Omar e Novara.
In 1965 married the eighteen year old Gabriella Fagne, the ceremony takes place in church, you can already see its first spiritual inclinations, at the behest of his mother.
In 1970 his only son, Duccio, named in honor of the partisan Duccio Galimberti.
Fausto Bertinotti was definitely the leader of the left "radical" more appreciated, until now, after the turn of Bolognina (dissolution of the PCI). THE Carsim and, indeed, dialectical ability have made him the longest serving secretary of the PRC, a politician of the first band in the Italian political scene of the second republic. Despite the political differences that have always, first as an area inside the PRC (Draft-left Communist PRC) and then as PCL, we have divided the political line of Bertinotti, we have always recognized the political abilities (flying over the "Stalinist move" that characterized it in "case Ferrando). But the look in this book, which concerns us is not the cronostoria the distances between the positions reformist policies of Bertinotti and the Marxist revolutionary of the PCL, but the thought, the political trajectory, the turns and to put it mildly 's incorenza policy of the political life of Comrade Bertinotti ...
At 20 he joined the Party Italian Socialist in 1960. In 1964 enters the CGIL, becoming the secretary of the Italian Federation of Textile Workers (then FIOT) Sesto San Giovanni, and three years later became secretary of the Chamber of Labour of Novara.
So from 20 to 24 years Bertinotti is a socialist. A supporter of the policy of the second international reformism "berstaniano" etc..
But also in 1964 - this is his first-place is among the socialists who refuse to make a Psi party Government and the split of PSIUP which in 1972 merged in the Italian Communist Party.
So Comrade Fausto after accepting the position of the reformist PSI change your mind, the government with the bourgeoisie has no progressive thrust is now to turn ... Fausto then breaks from the left with the PSI, because the policy of class collaboration and adheres to PSIUP. IL-PSIUP will be short lived-a strange election law that does not reward the election enters its projection in 1972 in the PCI.
Bertinotti then a socialist, changes in Max and then again in entering the Communist PCI ...
The parobola Bertinotti is characterized by their continuous transformation of its agriculture policies mindset (Vendola would do even better) in less than 8 years and just change the three parties ideas. But let's boast, Fausto never ceases to amaze ...
From 1975 to 1985 he was regional secretary of the CGIL Piemonte (it was in fact moved to Torino). Become the current leader of the far left of the CGIL union be strongly critical of the policy of consultation carried out by the majority of the CGIL
In 1985 he entered the national secretariat of the CGIL and moved to Rome.
Between 1989 and 1991, among the communists who do not accept the dissolution of the Communist Party, but then follow the advice of Pietro Ingrao, its historic landmark, not to join the PRC, will enter the PDS
Here's yet another breakthrough Bertonotti. After twenty years of the first PCI is opposed to its dissolution proposed by geese, but he's a fervent supporter of turning PCI - PDS. What is less understandable in the policy of Bertinotti is not only the transformation of agriculture policies sotegno the "formal" under socilademocratica of PCI, but its support for the policy area of \u200b\u200bthe now buried PCI more strongly opposed to the birth of the Movement for the PRC Communist.
recap, we are in 1993, the policy traittoria Bertinotti: 60 to 64 is a socialist (turn 1), then maximalist until 1972 (Turn 2). From 1972 to 1991 is a communist militant in PCI (Turn 3). From 1991 to 1993 returns, perhaps a childhood memory (sic), a Social Democrat.
short, the president of the Chamber of Deputies until the early 90's has been busy in terms of turns, but the best is arrivvare ...
In May 1993 he left the Democratic Party of the Left accusing apparently inconsistent with its mandate to conduct election caused by the crucial abstention in the vote of confidence for the creation of the Government Ciampi.
In September, accepts the invitation of Cossutta and Lucio Magri to join the Party Refoundation Communist to become, in January 1994, the national secretary. By accepting the post of secretary of the Communist Party of the PRC decides to leave his post union. Eluding all the rumors and gossip, though tasty, made by Bertinotti on ITER in the election of the Secretary of the PRC should pause for a moment on this historic moment.
Bertinotti, less than two years earlier, had criticized Cossutta, Garavini and other leaders of the PCI who had given birth to the PRC with DP. But the past two years, all political criticism (of method and theoretical) that Bertinotti had paid on the "last" communists just melt in the sun ... Bertinotti enters the PRC, not as a militant who now shares the route, as secretary. Well may suspect that if he had not been promised the post of secretary for a game of currents inside the PRC and the union, its nth place would not have been so sudden?
The post of secretary of the PRC is also confirmed in the third congress of the PRC (December 1996), in the quarter (March 1999), fifth (April 2002) and sixth (March 2005). Following the election for President of the Chamber of Deputies withdraws from the Secretary of the Party and May 7, 2006, the National Political Committee of the Communist PRC elects secretary Franco Giordano.
Formula 1996: The Pact withdrawal
Allied coalition of "progressive" losing the general elections of 1994, signing a deal with withdrawal of the Olive Tree in 1996: PRC does not presented in some single-member constituencies in the House and Senate, giving an indication of his constituents to vote for candidates chosen by Romano Prodi.
Break 1999: The withdrawal of confidence in Prodi
The elections are won by UL 1996 and became Prime Minister Prodi. There are, during his rule, friction with PRC Communist on pension reform and, above all, the Finance Act of 1998, when, after voting "as is" indigestible two finance laws, Prodi is expected to collect the third Bertinotti (" without taking orders from people outside the government ") in the confidence vote. But voting against the PRC, the government falls and some members leave the PRC founding the Party of Italian Communists, led by Armando Cossutta and Oliviero Diliberto. The Secretary of the PDS, Massimo D'Alema becomes prime minister as well as the next government.
The PRC, weakened by division, in the European elections of 1999 a substantial failure, despite showing Bertinotti elected to Parliament in Strasbourg. In the 2001 general election, Communist PRC is promoting a unilateral withdrawal in respect of the Olive Tree coalition, which run for president of the board Francesco Rutelli. Coming by 5 percent in the proportional and getting some senators with proportional allocation, Communist PRC manages to keep its representation in Parliament.
From 2002 he started the thaw between the PRC and the center-left, which ends in 2006 with the election. The ego of ipetrofico Bertinotti forward and knocks on the door of politics that matters. Bertinotti is in front of the nth turn after passing for years in Congress, in debates (his party) and in the media the need for a "left turn" of the PRC in less than two years, the bearer, politically, of a catapult to right, only he would have been can-push the PRC to the alliance with Prodi.
So this time the secretary of the PRC is not bewitched by memories of the past ... In 1964 he broke with the PSI because it carried out against the government, today (in 2006) is perfectly in line with its non Corenzio agrees with the government turning. The Office of the President of the Chamber is an investiture too tempting ...
The rest is recent history, the defeat of the left rainbow under the leadership of Bertinotti is the natural evolution of a political personality inconsistent, and vitiated by rifomista hypertrophic ego. Disaster. In 2008 Bertinotti leave the PRC sees as the new secretary, another incorente, Paolo Ferrero. Bertinotti To do the minority-as the document Bertinotti and Vendola was beaten by Ferrero-in PRC was an affront not sustainable ... Pontificates not even from the outside would not be in the strings of the companion Bertinotti ...
Remi
The Priory Newark (a Ripley near Woking- Cobham, Surrey) is officially on land Private and not accessible to public. However, this is a formality. A lot of people visit the unhindered. In summer 's grass is very high above ankles and one is appalled at the sight of ruins . remains well short today, the foundation the side of the main entrance and about a third church ( including beautiful windows Gothic and also a well of rainwater) . not is a tourist attraction , but on a hot summer day is a nice place for the contemplation. The river Wey near a stream and near the border with ruins from either side create a ' atmosphere. 
The Ripley Newark Priory was founded by St Augustine in the late twelfth century, during the reign of Richard I (1189-1199). The first mention of Ripley is in a document written by King Richard I. There is written in place of granting Ruald de Calne and later confirmed by his wife Beatrice de Sandes in 1210. He gave the land to the Augustinian Aldebyrie or "N ovo Loco" (new location), then also called Newark (New lavoro") , insieme ad altri beni tra cui la chiesa di Send e la cappella di Ripley. Le parole "Novo Loco" hanno portato a speculare che gli Agostiniani hanno prima costruito una chiesa a Ripley e poi trasferito la loro attenzione su un nuovo sito per il convento, cioè il "nuovo percorso", la terra data loro da Ruald e Beatrice. 
Una concessione fatta da Enrico III (1216-1272) al Priorato di Newark prevede che, in cambio di un palafreno (cavallo da parata), il priorato può tenere una fiera annuale a Ripley nel giorno della festa di S. Maria Maddalena (July 22). The event continues to this day (not necessarily continuously), and is currently called "The Event Ripley ch and is held in the meadows around Ripley. at its dissolution by Henry VIII in 1539 the priory was allowed to retain up to 20 poor people in a nursing home in Ripley, this could be a building now known as "The Anchor". 
The monastery was originally founded by 13 canons and was dedicated to St. Virgin Mary and St. Thomas the Martyr . remained at its dissolution as the prior eight canons. In 1545 the Priory and its lands were granted extended to Sir Anthony Browne, master of the royal stables. The buildings of the Priory were never re-used as a quarry for other buildings , some locally and the nearby Homewood Farm. 
StenopeiKa does not stop! And here comes the latest: the extension of 140 mm for the 5x7 model StenopeiKa. 
The revolutionary overthrow of Ben Ali revolution at all ends of Tunisia. Simply open its new phase. And the new phase now opening up the most delicate and difficult step of the revolutionary crisis. Wanting to paraphrase the Russian Revolution of 1917, we can say that the victory of a "revolution of February" is not a guarantee of an "October Revolution", as taught two centuries of history. And that the presence or absence of a revolutionary party is about a factor decisivo.di an "October Revolution".
to the Popular Committees, a government worker
That is why a consistent revolutionary policy in Tunisia has bring this perspective to the daily intervention of mass agitation. Rejected any political solution or proposal, directly or indirectly, intended to make the revolution in a box "bourgeois democratic".
Public debate Friday, February 4 at 18:00 in Casilina, 283
Speakers:
Osvaldo Coggiola, Universidade de São Paulo (Brazil) Partido Obrero (Argentina)
Franco Grisolia, Communist Party of Workers, Students
Tunisian
Gemmo Eugene, Party Communist Workers
DEGAGE Capitalism!
